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AbstractProcesses of adverse selection are generally considered as challenges to the viability of the solidarity that has been institutionalized in insurance schemes in the social domain. This article analyses to what extent the introduction of free choice in social policies might trigger processes of adverse selection in modern welfare states. Free choice not only concerns the choice between different providers or different types of services, but also creates possibilities to exit or partially exit social policies that previously were mandatory. Free choice in social policies might contribute to increasing responsiveness in service delivery. However, when the decisions to exit social policies are not distributed equally among the participants in social policy schemes but are related to participants' risk profiles, adverse selection might occur. The common response to the challenge of adverse selection is obligatory and universal participation in health insurance schemes, pension schemes and other social policies. The introduction of exit options as part of free choice strategies thus might threaten solidarity. Although the issue of free choice in social policies has received considerable scholarly attention, the introduction of exit options and its consequences have been analysed less extensively. This article sets out to fill this gap by exploring to what extent the introduction of free choice in modern welfare states has created exit options, and to what extent this triggers processes of adverse selection in health policies, unemployment policies and pension schemes in four European countries: the Netherlands, Spain, Sweden and the UK.

Cover Page -- Title Page -- Copyright Page -- Contents -- List of Figures -- List of Tables -- Notes on Contributors -- Preface by the Editors -- List of Abbreviations -- PART I THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK -- 1 Governance and the Democratic Deficit: Introduction -- 2 The Governance Concept in Public Administration -- 3 Legitimacy and Democracy: A Conceptual Framework for Assessing Governance Practices -- 4 The Idea of Democracy and the Eighteenth Century -- PART II GOVERNANCE AT A DISTANCE AND MARKET GOVERNANCE -- 5 Governance, Democracy and the European Modernization Agenda: A Comparison of Different Policy Initiatives -- 6 Police, Policing and Governance in The Netherlands and in the United Kingdom -- 7 The Accountability of Professionals in Social Policy: Or Why Governance is Multi-Focal and Democracy is Multi-Local -- PART III NETWORK GOVERNANCE AND SOCIETAL SELF-GOVERNANCE -- 8 The Legitimacy of the Rotterdam Integrated Public Safety Program -- 9 Embedding Deliberative Democracy: Local Environmental Forums in The Netherlands and the United States -- 10 The Limits of Donor-Induced Participation: An Analysis of a Participatory Development Program in Mozambique -- PART IV MULTI-LEVEL GOVERNANCE -- 11 Democratic Legitimacy of Inter-Municipal and Regional Governance -- 12 Democratic Legitimacy of Economic Governance: The Case of the European and Monetary Union -- 13 The OMC and the Quest for Democratic Legitimization: The Case of the European Employment Strategy -- 14 Supranational Governance and the Challenge of Democracy: The IMF and the World Bank -- PART V CONCLUSIONS -- 15 Governance and the Democratic Deficit: An Evaluation

While reforms of welfare policies have been widely analysed, the reform of welfare administration has received far less attention. Using empirical case studies, this book provides significant new insights into the way welfare administration is being internationally transformed. Particular attention is given to the effect on welfare clients, staff and agencies

While reforms of welfare policies have been widely analysed, the reform of welfare administration has received far less attention. Using empirical case studies, this book provides significant new insights into the way welfare administration is being internationally transformed. Particular attention is given to the effect on welfare clients, staff and agencies.

AbstractFrom the 1990s onwards, fraud detection has become an increasingly important focus in the design and implementation of a variety of welfare schemes, including unemployment benefits, social assistance benefits, pensions, and personal care budgets. This culminated in the 2014 Fraud Act, which introduced a system of high sanction in all cases of benefit fraud, even if they were causes by administrative errors. In 2020 a parliamentary investigation committee concluded that the Dutch government had violated the foundational principles of the rule of law through the way suspected fraudsters with childcare allowances had been treated. This so‐called Childcare allowances affair undermined the support for the harsh approach to fraud and led to a series of proposals to reform the Dutch 'surveillance welfare state'. The Dutch Childcare allowances affair is an interesting case of a social policy crisis because its origins are not external events but lie in the regular implementation of policies that have been approved and supported rather widely by politicians, policymakers and street‐level bureaucrats. In this article, we define and apply the concept 'institutional implosion' to analyse the Childcare allowances affair and its consequences. Moreover, we argue that the implosion in this affair follows from an extension of the target group from 'non‐deserving' to 'deserving' citizens. Whereas the Fraud Act primarily was aimed towards recipients of unemployment, disability and social assistance benefits, a change in the system of childcare allowances extended the scope of the Fraud Act to an almost universal group of parents that use childcare facilities.

Non-cognitive skills are increasingly essential in the labor market, especially given technological advances and evolving work environments. Unequal distribution of non-cognitive skills among various groups in the population may contribute to labor market inequalities. This article investigates the significance of non-cognitive skills for immigrant-native inequalities in the European labor market. Specifically, we examine the potential differences in non-cognitive skills between native and immigrant groups and how these differences may affect their income. Additionally, we explore whether equal levels of non-cognitive skills have comparable payoffs for native and immigrant groups in society. We use, comparative survey data from the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies and OLS regressions with country fixed effects. Our findings show that many immigrants exhibit lower levels of non-cognitive skills than native-born workers, despite differences between origin groups. This difference in non-cognitive skills explains part of the immigrant-native inequality in the labor market for most immigrant-origin groups. Moreover, our results indicate that immigrants, especially those from Central and Eastern European countries, benefit less from exercising comparable non-cognitive skills than native-born workers. Our study highlights the importance of non-cognitive skills in addressing the labor market disadvantage faced by immigrants, and emphasizes that policymakers and educators should recognize the significance of these skills when developing policies targeting immigrants.